13 PDF Article

“The term ‘ketuanan Melayu’ (Malay supremacy) is not in the Constitution. It only cropped up some time during the 12th General Election to. Why ‘Ketuanan Melayu’ must go with BN’s fall. Zurairi AR. Published 1 month ago on 04 November By Zurairi AR. NOVEMBER 4 — Last week, the Islamist. Syed Saddiq Abdul Rahman said today that the Pakatan Harapan government will end the era of ‘Ketuanan Melayu’, or Malay Supremacy.

Author: Shakalkis Gabar
Country: Liechtenstein
Language: English (Spanish)
Genre: Environment
Published (Last): 18 January 2007
Pages: 99
PDF File Size: 17.18 Mb
ePub File Size: 10.23 Mb
ISBN: 915-8-15220-525-6
Downloads: 73850
Price: Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]
Uploader: Zolole

Ketuanan Melayu Jawi script: The Malays of Malaysia claimed a special position and special rights owing to their long domicile [1] and the fact that the present Malaysian state itself evolved from a Malay polity. British colonial government transformed the system and turned it first into a system of indirect rulethen inusing this culturally based institution, they incorporated the Malay monarchy into the blueprints for the independent Federation of Malaya.

The term Tanah Melayu in its name which literally means “Malay homeland”, assumes proprietorship of the Malay states. In this way Britain strengthened Malay ethno-nationalism, Malay ethnicity and culture and Malay sovereignty in the new nation-state. Though other cultures would continue to flourish, the identity of the emerging political community was to be shaped by the “historic” political culture of its dominant Malay ethnic group.

This quid pro quo arrangement is usually referred to as the Malaysian social contract. Although the idea itself predates Malaysian independence, the phrase ketuanan Melayu did not come into vogue until the early s decade. The idea of Malay supremacy gained attention in the s, when the Malays organised themselves to protest the Malayan Union ‘s establishment, and later fought for independence.

However, the portions of the Constitution related to ketuanan Melayu were ” entrenched ” after the race riots of 13 Maywhich followed an election campaign focused on the issue of non-Malay rights and ketuanan Melayu.

This period also saw the rise of ” ultras ” who advocated a one-party government led by UMNO, and an increased emphasis on the Malays being the “definitive people” of Malaysia — i.

Ketuanan Melayu: What’s in a name?

The riots caused a major change in the government’s approach to racial issues, and led to the introduction of an aggressive affirmative action policy strongly favouring the Malays, the New Economic Policy NEP. The National Culture Policyalso introduced inemphasised an assimilation of the non-Malays into the Malay ethnic group. However, during the s Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad rejected this approach, with his Bangsa Malaysia policy emphasising a Malaysian instead of Malay identity for the state.

During the s decade politicians began stressing ketuanan Melayu again, and publicly chastised government ministers who questioned the social contract.

Ethnic Malays which make up the majority population of Malaysia at The true origin of ethnic Malays is still the subject of studies among historians, anthropologists and linguists.

However, a recent genetic studies carried out by HUGO Human Genome Organization involving almost people across Asia, points to another theory of Asian migration pattern. The HUGO findings support the hypothesis that Asia was populated primarily through a single migration event from the south and that the South East Asian region was populated first which contained the most diversity, then continuing slowly North with its diversity being lost.

Hindu and Buddhist influences arrived through trade contacts with the Indian subcontinent. The beginning of the first Millennium saw the rise of ancient Malay states in the coastal areas of Malay peninsularnotably the Red Earth Kingdom 1st centuryGangga Negara 2nd centuryLangkasuka 2nd centuryKedah 2nd century and Pahang 5th century.

Between 7th and 13th centuries, many of these small, often prosperous peninsular maritime trading states became part of the Srivijaya empire[7] a Malay kingdom centred in Palembang [8] and Kadaram. By the 15th century, the Malacca Sultanatewhose hegemony reached over much of the western Malay archipelago, had become the centre of Islamization in the east.

The Malaccan tradition was transmitted onwards and fostered a vigorous ethos of Malay identity. The Malays proper consist of those individuals who adhere to the Malay culture which has developed in the Malay peninsula. The foreign Malays consist of descendants of immigrants from other part of Malay archipelago who became the citizens of the Malay sultanates and were absorbed and assimilated into Malay culture at different times, aided by similarity in lifestyle and common religion Islam.

Among notable groups are the JavaneseMinangkabau and Bugis Malays. Article of the Constitution of Malaysia defines a Malay as a Malaysian citizen born to a Malaysian citizen who professes to be a Muslim, habitually speaks the Malay language, adheres to Malay customs, and is domiciled in Malaysia or Singapore.

Culture, which controls a great proportion of general mentality and social behaviour, is succeeded through the mother tongue and religion. Article unites Malays from different ethnic groups as the prevailing race and thus embraces them with the political prowess to dominate and rule over other races: Malay nationalism as an organised political movement existed since the invasion by foreign powers.


However, the ethnic Chinese and Indian immigrants, forming a minority of the population, did not see themselves as Malayans. Although the British effectively ruled Malaya, de jure the Malays were coerced under fictitious agreements to accept the British administration through a residence system.

British High Commissioner Sir Hugh Clifforddemonstrated the British ideology which rationalised colonialism in Malaya [21] when he urged “everyone in this country [to] be mindful of the fact that this is a Malay country, and we British came here at the invitation of Their Highnesses the Malay Rulers, and it is our duty to help the Malays to rule their own country.

Ostensibly the British adopted an open “Pro-Malay” policy so the Malays could, in the words of High Commissioner Sir Laurence Guillemardbe equipped “to take their proper place in the administrative and commercial life of these States. The local-born non-Malay communities soon began the fight for self-rule. Inthe Malayan-born Indian community asked High Commissioner Sir Shenton Thomas to grant them a share of administrative appointments.

Thomas rejected the request, referring to the local-born Indians as “foreigners”. The British relegated the Malays to their “traditional” peasant lifestyle me,ayu far as possible, restricting movement, economic enterprises and education.

Ketuanan Melayu

This policy was maintained in the belief that education of Bengalis in India had led to discontent and rebellion. Despite the exclusion of non-Malays from positions of ostensible authority, much of the civil service rank and file comprised non-Malays, many of them Indians who were specifically brought in for this purpose. In the s, ketusnan local-born Chinese, who retained significant economic power, began pushing for a greater role in Malayan government.

Nevertheless, the Straits Chinese — which comprised the bulk of local-born Chinese — wanted to be given government positions and recognised as Malayans. One Straits Chinese leader asked, “Who said this is a Malay country? Our forefathers came here and worked hard as coolies — weren’t ashamed to become coolies — and they didn’t send their money back to China.

They married and spent their money here, and in this way the Government was able to open up the country from jungle to civilization. We’ve become inseparable from this country. It’s ours, our country A paid mason, they argued, was not entitled to a share in the ownership rights to a home he built.

As such, they opposed any attempt to grant the Chinese citizenship or other political rights. A number of Indonesian ethnic groups such as the Javanese and Bugis had migrated within the Malay Archipelago throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and were most quickly assimilated into the Malay cultural identity. Inthe Governor of the Straits Settlements referred to the Chinese as “indigenous inhabitants of British Malaya”. Just before World Kftuanan IIMalay nationalism began emphasising ketuanan Melayuwhich had once been taken for granted.

It was feared that British policies now seemed geared towards creating a common Malayan nationality inclusive of the Chinese and Indians. Some Malays thus sought to preserve the status quo with the British as a bulwark against the non-Malays. Others began calling for an independent and sovereign Malay nation, such as ” Greater Indonesia “.

After World War II, the British announced the establishment of the Malayan Unionwhich ketyanan loosen immigration policies, reduce the sovereignty of the Malay rulers, and not recognise Malay supremacy, establishing Malaya as a protectorate of the United Kingdom. As local-born residents, most Chinese and Indians qualified keruanan citizenship under the Union’s principle of jus soli. With equal rights guaranteed to all, the Malays became dissatisfied with that. Even their traditional stronghold, the civil service, would be open to all Malayans.

The Malays became politically conscious, protesting the Union’s mslayu. At one gathering, placards declared that “Malaya Belongs to the Malays. Ketuaan do not want the other races to be given the rights and privileges of the Malays. Although the Union was established as planned, the campaign continued; inthe British replaced the Malayan Union with the Federation of Malaya. The Federation restored sovereignty to the Malay rulers, tightened immigration and citizenship restrictions, and gave the Malays special privileges.

After the Federation was formed over their objections, the coalition disbanded. Prior to the Federation, non-Malays were generally uninvolved in Malayan politics and nationalism, both essentially Malay in nature; being more interested in the politics of their respective homelands, non-Malays never significantly backed the Malayan Union openly but their silence was a support to it.

Some historians have argued the Union’s failure made the Chinese aware of the need for political representation. The Malayan Chinese Association MCA — a communal political party campaigning for Chinese political rights — was formed soon after the Federation’s formation. The same report from the British Permanent Under-Secretary of State for mekayu Colonies cited earlier stated that Malayan-born non-Malays “have never seen the land of their origin and they claim that their children and their children’s children should have fair treatment.


Its initial goals achieved, UMNO established itself as a political party to fight for independence. At the same time, the Malayan Communist Party MCP launched melahu armed insurgency to form a communist government in Malaya, culminating in the Malayan Emergency which lasted until after independence.

The insurgency was marked by a clear racial divide; opposition to the insurrection was almost entirely Malay, while Chinese dominated the communist ranks. The British encouraged the establishment of the Communities Liaison Committee CLCcomprising the top echelon ketjanan Malayan politicians from different communities, to address sensitive issues, especially those related to race. Compromises on a number of issues, including citizenship, education, me,ayu, and Ketkanan supremacy, were agreed on.

Ketuanan Melayu: What’s in a name?, Opinion News & Top Stories – The Straits Times

Eventually, a “bargain” between the Malays and non-Malays was formulated; in return for giving up ketuanan Melayuthe Malays would be assisted in closing the economic gap between ,elayu Malay and non-Malay communities.

Thuraisingham later said, “I and others believed that the backward Malays should be given a better deal. Malays should be assisted to attain parity with non-Malays to forge a united Malayan Nation of equals. Problems continued to crop up. Many Chinese Malayan youths drafted into the army to stave off communist attacks fled the country; most ketunan were English- and not Chinese-educated. To the Malays, this indicated that the Chinese had no particular loyalty towards Malaya and justified ketuanan Melayuheightening similar perceptions caused by the apparent racial dichotomy between those in fierce opposition to the communists and those supporting the MCP.

He was succeeded by Tunku Abdul Rahman often known as “the Tunku”who insisted on initial Malay sovereignty. Expressing concern over a lack of loyalty to Malaya among non-Malays, he demanded they clarify their allegiance before being accorded citizenship, going on to state: They must truly be Malayans, and they will have the same rights and privileges as the Malays.

During this period, some Straits Chinese began taking interest in local politics, especially in Penangwhere there was an active Chinese secessionist movement.

Ketuanan Melayu – Wikiquote

Identifying more with the British than the Malays, they were especially angered by references to them as pendatang asing foreigners. One Straits Chinese leader indignantly declared, “I can claim to be more anak Pulau Pinang [a son of Penang] than 99 ketuuanan cent of the Malays living here today. Some suggested that the non-Malays did not feel loyal to Malaya because they did not consider themselves to be of Malayan nationality and adhere strictly to their own ethnic cultural backgrounds.

To counter this, in citizenship was granted to nearly all local-born non-Malays, and dual citizenship prohibited, forcing non-Malays to choose between their ancestral homeland and Malaya. They are the ancestor of modern-day non-Malay Malaysian.

As Malaya moved to self-government, the British initiated the Member Systemmodelled on the cabinet system ; like the CLC, it drew on members of different meelayu, and was later described as setting a precedent for the power-sharing multiracial Malayan and Malaysian cabinets post-independence.

At the same time, the British also began laying the framework for a national education system that would create melayy sense melaju common citizenship”. The Barnes Report that they commissioned, however, was strongly objected to by the Chinese community for being “saturated with Malay nationalism” and bolstering ketuanan Melayu. In the end, the Barnes Report’s recommendations ketusnan English-medium “national schools” were implemented by the Education Ordinance, over vocal Chinese protests, who were upset by the lack of provision for non-Malay ketuahan schools.

Ina committee headed by Tun Abdul Razak re-evaluated the education system. The “Razak Report” recommended that vernacular primary schools be permitted to continue, but share a common syllabus with national schools. Vernacular secondary schools would not be sanctioned; only national secondary schools would be funded.

The Chinese community strenuously objected to the Razak Report as well, launching an organised campaign against it; the MCA’s refusal to oppose the Report cost it politically in some Chinese constituencies. According to many historians, the root cause of ethnic strife and ketuanan Melayu was a lack of mixing between the Malays and non-Malays.