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La rebelión de Kronstadt by Alexander Berkman, , available at Book Depository with free delivery worldwide. LA MALATESTA, Rústica. Book Condition: Nuevo. Dust Jacket Condition: Nuevo. La rebelión de Kronstadt de representa un antes y un después . Soldiers of the Red Army attack the island fortress of Kronstadt on the ice of the Gulf of Finland. Rebelión de Kronstadt Revolució Russa · Rebel·lió de Kronstadt · Història de la Unió Soviètica i la Rússia Usage on

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The correspondence between Trotsky and Wendelin Thomas one of the leaders of the revolt in the German Navy inand a member of kronsgadt American Committee of Enquiry into the Moscow Trials regarding the historical significance of the events in Kronstadt inkronstwdt given rise to widespread international discussion.

That in itself indicates the importance of the problem. Would it be possible today to disgrace and Suppress the leaders of October without the slightest protest from the people, if these leaders had not already by armed force silenced the Kronstadt sailors and the workers all over Russia? It is not with accusations of this kind, which reek of bureaucratic arrogance, that a useful contribution can be made to the lessons of the great Russian revolution.

In order to assess the influence that Kronstadt has had on the outcome of the revolution, it is necessary to avoid all personal issues, and direct attention to three fundamental questions:. The masses and rebeliion bureaucracy in Everyone now agrees that during the winter of to the Russian revolution was passing through an krnstadt critical phase.

The offensive against Poland had ended in defeat at Warsaw, the social revolution had not broken out rebeliom the Rebe,ion, the Russian revolution had become isolated, famine and disorganisation had seized the entire country. The peril of bourgeois restoration knocked at the door of the revolution.

At this moment of crisis the different classes and parties which existed within the revolutionary camp each presented their solution for its resolution. The Soviet Government and the higher circles in the Communist Party applied their own solution of increasing the power of the bureaucracy. Here was manifested already the enormous quasi-messianic self-importance of the Communist Bureaucracy. The Ninth and Tenth Congresses of the Communist Party, as well as the intervening year passed beneath the auspices of this new policy.

Lenin rigidly carried it through, Trotsky sang its praises. The Bureaucracy prevented the bourgeois restoration. The movement of poor peasants led by Makhno in the Ukraine was the outcome of similar resistance in similar circumstances. If the struggles of are rebelionn in the light of ls historical material now available, one is struck by the way that these scattered masses, starved and enfeebled by economic disorganisation, nevertheless had the strength to formulate for themselves with such precision their social and political Position, and at the same time to defend themselves against the bureaucracy and against the bourgeoisie.

We shall not content ourselves, like Trotsky, with simple declarations, so we submit to readers the resolution which served as a programme for the Kronstadt movement. We reproduce it in full, because of its immense historical importance.

Seeing that the present soviets do not express the wishes of the workers and peasants, to organise immediately re-elections to the Soviets with Secret vote, and with care to organise free debelion propaganda for all workers and peasants. To grant liberty of speech and of press to the workers and kronstxdt, to the anarchists and the left socialist parties.

To call a non-partisan Conference of the workers, Red Army Soldiers and sailors of Petrograd, Kronstadt, and of Petrograd province, no later than March 10th, To liberate all political prisoners of Socialist parties as well as all workers, peasants, soldiers and Sailors imprisoned in connection with the labour and peasant movements.


Instead there should be established educational and cultural commissions, locally elected and financed by the government. To equalize all the rations of all who work with the exception of those employed in trades detrimental to health. To abolish the communist fighting detachments in all branches of the army, as well as the communist guards kept on duty in mills and factories.

Should such guards or military detachments be found necessary they are to be appointed in the army from the ranks, and in the factories according to the judgement of the workers. The depth of principle which animates this resolution is shown by the fact that it is still to a great extent applicable. One can, in fact, oppose it as well to the Stalin regime ofas to that of Lenin in More even than that: The appearance of this resolution demonstrates the close connections which existed between the movements of Petrograd and Kronstadt.

Thus, it rebdlion one of these privileged people of the Kremlin, the rations for whom were very much better than those of others, who dares to hurl a similar reproach, and that at the very men who in paragraph 9 of their resolution, explicitly demanded equalisation of rations!

But all this does not give Trotsky the right to insult the working masses of More than anyone else, Trotsky should furnish kronsatdt new appreciation of the initiative taken at Kronstadt. Neither the Kronstadt fighters, nor the Petrograd workers, nor the ranks of the Communists could summon, it is true, in that winter the same revolutionary energy as in tobut what there was of socialism and krosntadt feeling in the Russia of was possessed by the rank-and-file.

In their OPposition to this, Lenin and Trotsky, in line with Stalin, with Zinoviev, Kaganovitch, and others responded to the wishes and served the interests of the bureaucratic cadres. The workers struggled for the socialism which the bureaucracy were already in the process of liquidating. That is the fundamental point of the whole problem.

The Kronstadt resolution pronounced in favour of the defence of the workers, not only against the bureaucratic capitalism of the State, but also against the restoration of private capitalism. This restoration was demanded – in Opposition to Kronstadt – by the social democrats, who combined it with a regime of political democracy. And it was Lenin and Trotsky who to a great extent realised it rdbelion without political democracy in the form of the NEP.

The Kronstadt resolution declared for the Opposite Rebepion it declared itself against the employment of wage labour in agriculture and small industry. This resolution, and rfbelion movement underlying, sought for a revolutionary alliance of the proletarian and peasant workers with the poorest sections of the country labourers, in order that the revolution might develop towards socialism.

The NEP is as much opposed to the Kronstadt demands as, for example, the revolutionary socialist programme of the vanguard of the European workers for the abolition of the Versailles system, is opposed to the abrogation of the Treaty of Versailles achieved by Hitler. Let us consider, finally, one last accusation which is commonly circulated: The repression of Kronstadt, the suppression of the democracy of workers and soviets by the Russian Communist party, the elimination of the proletariat from the management of industry, and the introduction of the NEP, already signified the death of the Revolution.

It was precisely the end of the civil war which produced the splitting of the post-revolutionary society into two fundamental kronstsdt As far as its socialist and internationalist aspirations were concerned, the Russian Revolution was stifled: It was from this point onwards, and on this basis, each year kronstadg and more clearly, that the Bolshevik repudiation of morality, so frequently evoked, took on a development which had to lead to the Moscow Trials. The implacable logic of things has manifested itself.


While the revolutionaries, remaining such only in words, accomplished in fact the task of the reaction and counter-revolution, they were compelled, inevitably, to have recourse to lies, to calumny and falsification. This system of generalised lying is the result, not the cause, of ee separation of the Bolshevik party from socialism and from the proletariat. In order to corroborate this statement, I shall quote the testimony regarding Kronstadt of men I have met in Soviet Russia. He was a non-party worker in Petrograd inwhom I knew in the political isolator at Verkhne-Uralsk as a Trotskyist.

Krontsadt also had the Opportunity of knowing one of the most effective participants in the Kronstadt rebellion. When I saw him, inin the Leningrad prison, he had just spent the previous eight years in the Solovietski islands. The Methods of Struggle The Kronstadt workers pursued revolutionary aims in struggling against the reactionary tendencies of the bureaucracy, reblion they used clean and honest methods. In contrast, the bureaucracy slandered their movement odiously, pretending that it was led by General Kozlovski.

Actually, the men of Kronstadt honestly desired, as comrades, rebelioon discuss the questions at issue with the representatives ee the government.

Their action, had at first, a defensive character – that is the reason why they did not occupy Oranienbaum in time, situated on the coast opposite Kronstadt. Right from the start, the Petrograd bureaucrats made use of the system of hostages by arresting the families of the sailors, Red Army soldiers and workers of Ka who were living in Petrograd because several commissars in Kronstadt – not one of whom was shot – had been arrested.

The news of the seizing of hostages was brought to the knowledge of Kronstadt by means of leaflets dropped from aeroplanes.

La rebelión de Kronstadt

Balance Sheet There rebelioj reasons for thinking that granted the relation between the forces of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, of socialism and capitalism, which existed in Russia and Europe at the beginning of ,the struggle for the socialist development of the Russian Revolution was doomed to defeat.

In those conditions the socialist programme of the masses could not conquer: But such a conception of the progress of the Russian Revolution does not diminish in the slightest, in the realms of principle, the historic importance of the programme and the efforts of the working masses.

On the contrary, this programme constitutes the point of departure from which a new cycle in the revolutionary socialist development will begin.

In fact, each new revolution begins not on the basis from which the preceding one started, but from the point at which the revolution before it had undergone a moral set-back. The experience of the degeneration of the Kkronstadt Revolution places anew before the conscience of international socialism an extremely important sociological problem.

Marxism believes that the socialist revolution, once begun, would either be assured of a gradual and continued development towards integral socialism, or would be defeated through the agency of bourgeois restoration.

La rebelión de Kronstadt : Alexander Berkman :

Altogether, the Russian Revolution poses in an entirely new way the problem of the mechanism of the socialist revolution. This question must become paramount in international discussion. In such discussion the problem of Kronstadt can and must have a position worthy of it.